Although Montenegro and Croatia were "close" to an agreement at the beginning of September, which was supposed to include, among other things, the payment of compensation to Croatian citizens detained in the former Morinje camp, the non-removal of the memorial plaque at the site of that casemate, and the change of name of the city swimming pool in Kotor, a year later none of this has been completed, and the two sides cannot agree on a meeting to discuss it.
Considering this, as well as the statements from Zagreb and Podgorica in the meantime, the question arises whether official Podgorica is "delaying" Croatia, hoping that Brussels, as the end of negotiations with the European Union (EU) approaches, will put pressure on the Croatian authorities and force them not to hinder Montenegro's entry into the union with their demands for resolving bilateral issues.
In March, Croatia requested that a new date be agreed upon for a meeting with representatives of Montenegro to resolve the disputed issues, and on that occasion announced that if that did not happen, it would consider further steps to protect its interests in accordance with international law and good diplomatic practice. Special Advisor to the Minister of Foreign and European Affairs of Croatia Vanda Babić Galić At that time, she told "Vijesti" that the department proposed holding a meeting with the Montenegrin side on March 25th, with the aim of resolving one of the open issues, but that the date did not suit the Montenegrin colleagues.
A month and a half later, the Montenegrin Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced that "if we need to talk, it can be in Podgorica", but that they maintain regular communication with their Croatian colleagues. According to "Vijesti" from ten days ago, talks on the disputed ship "Jadran" and the border at Prevlaka will be held separately, and the date is being agreed upon.
Civic activist Dina Bajramspahić points out that "it is evident that negotiations with Croatia are proceeding slowly and reluctantly."
"The delay in resolving the issue raises doubts about whether official Podgorica has a clear plan for resolving the disputed points. It is certainly clear that political instability and the composition of the ruling majority are not secondary circumstances but structural reasons why it is difficult to lead a coherent negotiating line," she believes.
Croatia is in no hurry, we are running out of time
The interviewee of "Vijesti" believes that "it is worrying that our side is showing greater carelessness than realistic circumstances allow."
"First of all, we are the ones whose highest national priority is EU membership, and the dispute with Croatia stands as an obstacle in the way. Croatia is in no hurry, and our time is running out dangerously - therefore, it would be desirable for us to invest significantly greater efforts to reach a compromise. It would be wise to face reality and objectively look at the 'cards' we have at our disposal and assess the possibilities we have. A reasonable compromise is a supreme success in these circumstances, but also our obligation," said Bajramspahić.
He adds that institutions are operating under the delusion that some third EU country will "magically solve everything" and that Montenegro will get out of it without any effort.
"Such an approach is irresponsible and could jeopardize our goals, the importance of which is superior to any particular issue of a lower order. It is true that most of the issues that need to be resolved are complex and sensitive, especially the issue of Prevlaka, the border and the ship 'Jadran'. They require serious diplomatic skill, tact, creativity to devise new solutions, the ability to recognize the nuances around which compromise is possible and not to let defiance cloud our vision. Croatia is one of the 27 equal members of the EU, its negotiating supremacy on this issue is indisputable and certainly something it will not give up on lightly."
Bajramspahić believes that the mitigating circumstance is that the interim regime for Prevlaka has been in place for decades, and the dispute is not such that the two states currently have an acute territorial crisis.
Correspondent of the Croatian "Jutarnji list" from Brussels Augustin Palokaj points out that no one in the EU center is talking about any possible pressure on Croatia, but rather that they expect the two countries to resolve open issues bilaterally.
"I do not expect there to be pressure on Croatia on this issue and Podgorica should not count on it," he told "Vijesti".
Palokaj: Enlargements blocked before, Brussels had no influence
Palokaj points to previous examples of blocking candidate countries.
"The history of EU enlargement shows that there has never been pressure on member states. Greece was ready to block the entry of nine new countries into the EU if Cyprus was not included in that group. In the end, all 10 entered together (in 2004). For ten years, Greece and Bulgaria have been blocking North Macedonia on their own, which is a real blockade, not just some chapters, and no one is putting pressure on them. They can express regret here and there, but they are not putting pressure," he explains.
He reminds that Croatia had contentious issues with Slovenia during the negotiations.
"Croatia itself realized, while negotiating, that it was not worth waiting for someone to put pressure on a member state, then Slovenia. In the end, the process was unblocked by an agreement between Croatia and Slovenia."
Bajramspahić: Whatever we lose, membership makes up for it
Bajramspahić points out that "Croatian leverage does not disappear with the closure of the chapter, but continues in the ratification phase," and that this additionally reinforces the obligation to resolve every dispute with Zagreb, and not just bridge it formally.
"The Cabinet and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs should be more responsible in informing the public about the progress of the negotiations and in presenting what specific ideas they have offered with the aim of reaching a compromise. Croatia has legitimate interests and an instrument of pressure, we have our own interests, but EU membership is our strategic interest and therefore we must be much more active and pragmatic."
It points out that one should not go to one's own detriment in negotiations, but that any potential loss is compensated by EU membership.
"As much as we love Croatia, of course we love Montenegro more and we want to get the most out of these negotiations and protect our own national interests. What we must not do is act self-destructively and not see the forest for the trees due to maximalist positions. Whatever the outcome, it cannot be a loss because EU membership far outweighs any loss. Besides, it is enough to remember that we shelled Dubrovnik and any self-victimization will pass us by."
Referring to the issue of compensation for camp inmates, she points out that it should have been resolved long ago as a sign of goodwill because "the facts about the 'Morinj' camp are undeniable, and the responsibility is completely clear."
"Croatian insistence on compensation, war crimes prosecution and memorial issues is justified. The fortunate circumstance is that Croatia is an essentially well-intentioned country to us, whose interest is also in Montenegro becoming part of the EU and actively contributes to that goal, and that it has continued to approve the closure of other chapters, but this does not change our obligation to work towards reaching an agreement."
According to her, Montenegro's position cannot be one-sided concessions on everything, but must be greater consideration than has been shown so far.
"Chapter 31 (Foreign, Security and Defence Policy) has been blocked for more than a year and a half. At a time when European interests required maximum diplomatic attention towards all EU member states, the ruling majority made a move that further worsened relations with one of them. Chapter 31 could have been closed painlessly and imperceptibly in December 2024 if the government had not arrogantly 'blown up' a completely resolved matter. To this day, no one has been held accountable for this irresponsibility."
Neither one nor the other reports whether there is a meeting.
Answers to questions about whether bilateral meetings with Croatia regarding open issues - the interstate border and the training ship "Jadran" - have been scheduled have not been provided by either the Montenegrin or Croatian Ministries of Foreign Affairs.
Also, from the department Ervin Ibrahimović did not answer the questions of "Vijesti" whether it is true that Podgorica is not responding to Zagreb on the final proposal for an agreement on the payment of compensation to Croatian citizens who were detained in the former camp in Morinje, but also what the final request of the Croats is when it comes to the amount of compensation.
At the end of July, the Croatian Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs called on the Montenegrin side to engage in constructive dialogue and accelerate work on open issues, stating that Croatia had shown strategic patience and understanding throughout the process, but that now was the time for decisive steps by the Montenegrin Government.
"Croatia emphasizes that the principle of good neighborly relations is one of the key political criteria in the EU enlargement process, which is explicitly stated in the Negotiating Framework of Montenegro and other candidate countries," they said in a statement published on the ministry's official website on July 22.
The Croatian Ministry's statement came a day after the European Commissioner for Enlargement's meeting Marta Kos with Croatian officials, it was conveyed that the process of accession to the European Union (EU) must be based on the implementation of reforms, and that resolving bilateral disputes in the spirit of good neighborly relations is of key importance. Kos then stated on the X network that she had spoken with the Prime Minister of Croatia in Zagreb Andrej Plenković and Croatian Minister of Foreign and European Affairs Gordan Grlić RadmanHer announcement did not mention Montenegro.
Relations between Montenegro and Croatia have been strained for more than two years, culminating in the Montenegrin parliament's adoption of a resolution on the genocide in Jasenovac and the Dachau and Mauthausen concentration camps in the summer of 2024. After that, Zagreb declared the head of parliament non-committal. Andrija Mandić (New Serbian Democracy), Deputy Prime Minister Aleks Bečić (Democrats) and deputies Milan Knežević (Democratic People's Party).
That is why, at the end of January 2025, Zagreb blocked Montenegro from closing Chapter 31 (Foreign, Security and Defence Policy). Bilateral talks between the foreign ministries of the two countries began then, and two meetings have been held so far - both in Zagreb. In February this year, Croatian officials said that there was progress "in millimeters" in the negotiations on resolving open issues. In order to unblock the chapter, Zagreb is seeking to resolve contentious bilateral issues, including the payment of compensation to the prisoners from Morinj, resolving the issue of missing persons, ownership of the ship "Jadran", changing the name of the Kotor basin, continuing talks on the maritime border... In addition to Chapter 31, Zagreb also blocked Chapter 14 (Transport Policy) from Montenegro last month.
The Montenegrin Ministry previously announced that, in order to resolve bilateral disputes with Croatia, an Agreement on the Donation of Real Estate - the "Josip Marković" Cultural Center in Donja Lastva - has been signed, the work of the Intergovernmental Mixed Committee for the Protection of National Minorities has been renewed, "and other concrete activities aimed at preserving the identity and improving the position of the Croatian community in Montenegro have been undertaken."
They stated that the work of the competent institutions has also been intensified in the areas of missing persons, the prosecution of war crimes, the state border and the training ship "Jadran", which official Zagreb claims is theirs, while Montenegro's position is that the ship is its own, referring to the Agreement on the Succession of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
The issue of the border at Prevlaka, as previously stated by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has been open for more than three decades and its resolution requires thorough preparation and responsible dialogue.
They added that until a final solution is reached, the Protocol on the Temporary Regime along the Southern Border has been applied without problems for 24 years, which Montenegro and Croatia have jointly stated on several occasions.
After the war conflicts of the 1990s, control over the disputed border strip at Prevlaka was taken over by UN observers from 1996 to 2002. That year, a Protocol on a Temporary Border Regime was established.
In December last year, the Croatian government formed a Commission to resolve the issue of the return of the training ship "Jadran" and other issues of military property succession with Montenegro, while at the beginning of May this year, the Montenegrin executive authorities made a decision to form a Commission for regulating relations with Croatia regarding the status of the training ship "Jadran" as a cultural, historical and military symbol of the state of Montenegro, which will be headed by the Minister of Defense. Dragan Krapović (Democrats).
DNP leader Milan Knežević claimed in the Parliament at the end of July that he had information that Croatia and Montenegro had reached an agreement regarding the ship "Jadran".
"The agreement is as follows - we are returning the ship 'Jadran' to the Croats. It will sail under the Croatian flag and will be in the port of Split. Occasionally, we will be able to use it as a training ship," said Knežević.
Chapter 14: Equipment from Ćilipi allegedly stalled
The Montenegrin Government expects to close Chapter 14 (Transport Policy) in September, meaning that it will receive the green light from Croatia.
Zagreb blocked the chapter allegedly because of the issue of so-called cabotage, i.e. the right of carriers from one country to carry out transport within another country, but also because of the air maps, i.e. the borders of the airspace. Croatia believes that their current presentation may weaken the country's position in the future demarcation with Montenegro, bearing in mind that the borders of that space should coincide with those on land, i.e. at sea.
There is speculation that the Croats have "blocked" the closing of this chapter due to equipment at the Ćilipi airport, which is suspected of being stolen during the attack on Dubrovnik in 1991-1992 and transferred to Montenegro.
As “Vijesti” previously wrote, in 2004 the company “Aerodromi Crne Gore” submitted to the director of the Dubrovnik airport a list of equipment stolen from the “Ćilipi” airport during the 1991 and 1992 wars, which was then (2004) located at the airports of Tivat and Podgorica. The list of equipment included, among other things, an elevator, self-propelled stairs, a water service vehicle and a fire engine, three tractors and the like.
This is the first written document acknowledging that Dubrovnik's airport in Ćilipi was looted, and was the result of many years of correspondence between Dubrovnik, first with JAT, which was the owner of all airports in the former SFRY, and then with the Montenegrin government, namely the Public Company "Airports of Montenegro". It was not until 2003 that this company took over the airports in Podgorica and Tivat from JAT, and with it part of the equipment that was stolen from the airport in Ćilipi during the occupation of Konavle.
Palokaj: Brussels hopes for a quick agreement, but they are also concerned
Palokaj points out that there is hope in Brussels that at least those open issues on the Zagreb-Podgorica route will be resolved "soon" that will be sufficient to close the chapter, but that diplomats are increasingly expressing some kind of concern.
"Different positions are coming from Podgorica, even through public statements, so some people are not entirely clear who is speaking on behalf of Podgorica."
The newspaper's interlocutor points out that Zagreb's behavior is viewed as constructive, but also believes that the Jasenovac Resolution has "rocked" relations with Podgorica.
"The very fact that Croatia holds reservations only for specific chapters, with clear positions, while supporting the closure of all others, is seen as constructive behavior by Zagreb and does not compare to other blockages in the enlargement process. My personal opinion is that the Jasenovac Resolution led to a loss of trust and Zagreb has been cautious ever since. Constant attacks from Belgrade and Serbia's influence in Montenegro are exacerbating the problem."
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