After the collegium session, lunch was organized at Topcider. All of them are pure excess to me, but I'm going to lunch to let them know that I won't give up the fight. During lunch, Pavle Bulatović, General Martinović and Admiral Zec separate into a half-separate and agree on something on some paper. I suspect they are packing something dishonorable.
At that time, cable television did not yet work in Belgrade, and the daily press from Montenegro arrived a day late. I cannot say that I am timely informed about the situation in Montenegro, and the Belgrade media are firing all weapons at the Montenegrin authorities. On Thursday, Goran Žugić (advisor to President Đukanović) called me and asked me to come to Podgorica, if possible. I answer him that I have a family obligation in Boka Kotorska for the next weekend and that I will be in Montenegro then. He conveys to me the wish of, as he says, "the boss" to meet on Sunday at 13.00:XNUMX pm in the restaurant "Dvor" in Stara varos. I accept.
Conversation in "Dvor"
At the appointed time, at the appointed place, I meet with Milo Đukanović, Milan Rocen and Goran Žugić. Đukanović asks me if I am familiar with the joint statement issued on Tuesday by the commander of the 2nd Army, General Martinović, and the commander of the Republic of Moldova, Admiral Zec. He also added that the action of General Martinović surprised them all. I say I'm not familiar. He takes out a paper and shows me the announcement. The horror! The "virtuous" General Martinović and Admiral Zec first gave an assessment of the situation in Montenegro; they defined that the current government is collapsing sovereignty, territorial integrity, and the arrangement established by the constitution; and finally, that the 2nd Army and the Republic of Moldova will defend it with all the means at their disposal. "Can you do something?" Đukanović asked me. "I'll see," I reply.
At that time, generals had official mobile phones. I call Martinović and ask him where he is. He tells me that he is in Kumbor with Admiral Zeca. "When you're in your office, I should see you," I tell him. "At 18.00:XNUMX," he answers.
I was in General Martinović's office ten minutes earlier. There I find General Tripko Čečović, Chief of Staff of the 2nd Army. I know him as an honorable man and an honorable general. I immediately ask him about the stupid thing they did. From his reaction, I can see that everything was done outside of his knowledge. Martinović is coming. He wants to usher me into some kind of side office. "No, that's out of the question, but I want to talk to you right in your office," I answer him and enter his office. He walks in behind me.
I have in mind that the offices are covered by the military security service and I want them to hear what I have to say to General Martinović. It is clear to me that their "patriotic" announcement was packed in that semi-separate during lunch at Topcider.
New announcement
Since my address to Martinović is not in the domain of polite expression, I will only present some hints: "Against whom will you use your weapon, the sun is burning you, I will kill you personally... before you shoot a single grain..., you are serving the crime policy of Slobodan Milosevic..." etc. He is trying to get out and justify himself, acting as if he has nothing to do with the published announcement.
In fact, he had nothing to do with that announcement because he didn't even understand it. When he hung himself with a laurel branch, he must understand and must bear responsibility for both his words and his actions.
Partly confused and partly scared, Martinović uttered a very warm sentence: "My friend, while I am at the head of the 2nd Army, weapons will never be pointed against the Montenegrin people." "Are you able to make it public," I ask him. "I am," answered Martinović bravely. "Then call the head of the OC to come and dictate it to him," I tell him. "I will", he replies and calls the head of the OC with a direct link. I take the paper and write out the press release. "Here you go," I hand him a written announcement. Enter the colonel with the OC. Martinović orders him to announce that text to the public. "Colonel, let us know when the announcement goes," I order the colonel. "I understand," replies the colonel. The next four to five minutes seemed like an eternity. I don't say anything. The colonel with the OC reports that the communique has gone out. Martinović offers me coffee. "No thanks, goodbye!" I answer him.
I drive towards Bijela in Boka Kotorska. At 19.40:XNUMX (during the evening diary) Milo Đukanović calls me on the phone and says: "What did you do to him?" "Nothing in particular", I answered.
Television of Montenegro published a statement in the evening daily that was signed by General Martinović a little more than an hour ago. On the 2st of March, General Martinović was removed from his post as commander of the XNUMXnd Army. I don't know why, but I know that he was criticized for two things, although it was not in the official explanation. First, in his office, instead of opposing General Grahovac, he fell under his influence; and secondly, he issued a public statement dictated to him by General Grahovac. It is correct that a man, after so much time, finds out the real reason for his dismissal.
In the civilian positions that I held in Montenegro after leaving the army, through the institutions of the system, I also publicly led the fight against corruption and organized crime, engaging in the calling of the highest state officials. I file a case on corruption and organized crime, prosecute them and inform the public, and the powerful file a lawsuit against me for insult and defamation. That's how, for almost a year, the evening daily began on TV "Bastilje". About the trial of me, of course. General Martinović, a state employee in the MUP of Montenegro, joined the media demonization of the recalcitrant general, unprovoked. Miraculously, General Neđo Bošković, an adviser in the same ministry, did not get involved (at least publicly).
The political mafia did not like Admiral Zec going to The Hague
It is not easy to fight against corruption and organized crime, especially in systemically contaminated countries. Momir Bulatović, former President of Montenegro and former Prime Minister of the FRY, was honest when he admitted in his book that smuggling in Montenegro was a state project. The destructive power of such projects is enormous. That force, in terms of intensity, can be even stronger than the force of the courts that prosecute war crimes.
It is a rare case that the Hague Tribunal dropped the indictment for crimes committed on the territory of the former Yugoslavia. One of those cases is the dropping of the indictment against Admiral Zeca, the commander of the Republic of Moldova. I have repeatedly pointed out publicly that the military security services and the Navy were involved in smuggling during the former Yugoslavia, and that in troubled times, together with the political mafia and criminal structures, they were the bearers of that state project that Momir Bulatović was talking about. For this reason, the political mafia and the State Security in Montenegro did not like Admiral Zec being on the dock of the Hague Tribunal on any basis. They know Admiral Zec would talk about a lot.
Officers from the Navy took over the leadership of the Montenegrin army, even though Montenegro essentially has no navy. And that's no accident.
(Tomorrow: Arrival of Kostunica - Milo defends General Pavković - Negotiations with NATO)
Bonus video:
