How the drama in Cetinje in May 1999 paved the way for May 21, 2006.

The restoration of Montenegro's state independence is the result of numerous undertakings, starting with the launch of a wave of Montenegrin emancipation that led to the creation of independent cultural institutions, free media and political movements, and ending with the major political decision of a part of the government in 1997 to turn their backs on Slobodan Milošević and accept the anti-war, civic and pro-European course of the Liberal Alliance and the Reform Forces, writes Neđeljko Rudović for the portal. Rmedia.

No one could be certain of the outcome of the story of a turning point in the fate of a country, founded in the 10th century and wiped off the world map in the second decade of the 20th century. Yet it abounded in examples of fearlessness, strength, wisdom, personal sacrifice and unwavering faith.

The vision of the bearers of the idea of ​​restoring the state of Montenegro was put to the test every now and then, and one of the most difficult ones occurred in the spring of 1999. The drama in Loćven and Cetinje in May 1999 and its ultimately happy epilogue paved the way for the referendum on May 21, 2006. If it had ended differently, Montenegro would probably have once again been the scene of unimaginable conflicts.

The introduction to the most difficult ordeal in the modern history of Montenegro began in 1998 when the then leadership of the federal state decided to form a new military police unit in which the most vocal supporters of a common state with Serbia were. In June 1999, this unit would formally be named the Seventh Battalion. During that time, the war in Kosovo was ongoing and NATO intervention was expected. Convinced that Milošević, supported by representatives of the defeated DPS faction in the 1997 and 1998 elections, would use the state of war to militarily subjugate Montenegro, seize institutions and the media, and install his allies in power, the Government of Montenegro decided to urgently form its own units, formally joining them with the reserve forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

They are supporters of an independent Montenegro and are located in almost all municipalities. The assessment is that this counterbalance will sway the Yugoslav Army and that it will therefore not launch a military operation in Montenegro. Assuming that the military commanders in Montenegro will not carry out orders, Milošević therefore gives his consent to strengthen the Seventh Battalion with the most extreme members from Montenegro. While the NATO bombing continues, they demonstrate their power on the streets of all Montenegrin cities, cause serious interethnic incidents and prepare to make Lovćen one of their bases.

Tensions peaked in May 1999, and Duško Glendža, commander of the unit tasked with defending Cetinje, spoke to the Rmedia portal about the details of the events that took place at that time.

"At that time, the chief of police in Cetinje was Milan Vujanović. He called me and explained what was going on, asked me to gather people because we were threatened by the Seventh Battalion, which was preparing to go to Lovćen. And we know that whoever conquers Lovćen as our sacred place has conquered Montenegro. I gathered 200 guys, my comrades, relatives, friends, godfathers, told them what awaited us. The second unit was under the command of Božidar Bob Bogdanović, who gathered 24 guys and they immediately went to Lovćen," recalls Glendža.

Zoran Ulama, one of the then leaders in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, was with them on Lovćen for a time: "The people of Cetinje knew him and allowed him to be with them. At that time, you couldn't trust everyone," says Glendža.

A few days later, between three and four o'clock in the morning, he was called by fellow citizen Željko Kaluđerović.

"He was with Bob on Lovćen and told me that the Seventh Battalion attacked them, that they beat and massacred Bob and that they were going to take him to Niš to a military prison. I immediately gathered my unit. However, the police leadership had another plan. Their plan was to allow him to be taken away because they were afraid that the conflict would escalate and that there would be armed struggle and war. That would have been catastrophic at the time. We didn't want that, we would have betrayed Bob if we had done that. We blocked the bottom of Lovćenska Street. Soon half the people of Cetinje arrived, all armed, everyone with something," says Glendža.

While a column of military vehicles approached the entrance to Cetinje from the direction of Lovćen in the morning hours, the street was already blocked.

"They were descending the Ševrlja. When they approached the entrance to Cetinje, Milan Vujanović, I and another officer went towards them. We told them that we would not allow them to pass until they handed over Bob to us. The negotiations lasted for more than an hour. The tensions were so high that I can't tell you. All our people were lying in wait, weapons ready and expecting the worst because we thought they wouldn't allow it. After an hour, they relented. They handed over Bob to us, who was covered in blood, with his hands tied with barbed wire," says Glendža.

"To this day, I don't know how there wasn't a conflict. If one bullet had been fired, there would have been a civil war, like in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Only God saved us," Glendža is certain.

The military column continued on without Bob Bogdanović, but soon after they deployed on the heights above Cetinje. Almost two more months would pass before the end of the state of war, which would pass without major incidents. "They surrounded my company in Zagrablje, set up machine gun nests around Cetinje. Practically, the occupation of Cetinje."

Glendža was mostly in Cetinje with his unit, but later had to go to Herceg Novi with a part of it. There, a scene similar to the one in Cetinje took place.

"There were 100 of us from Cetinje and the same number of SAJ special forces. A column of military vehicles was descending from the direction of Pod towards Meljine with the intention of entering Herceg Novi. They were stopped by the then Minister of the Interior, Vukašin Maraš, and the SAJ commander, Veselin Veljović. They spent two hours persuading them at the Meljine interchange, and in the end the Seventh Battalion gave up because they realized that it would not pass without casualties and that we would all die. The agreement was that we would not let anyone through," claims Glendža.

He is categorical that the reserve forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs at that time were patriots who would have given their lives to defend their country without hesitation.” However, there were also difficult moments in the relationship with the then leaders of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

"After that, we were insulted by the police officers. Milan Paunović called me to the office of Chief Vujanović and brought me two bags of money, saying that it was the salary for the guys. I refused, kicked the table and the money spilled out of the bags. We were there to defend our country, not to take money."

Another serious misunderstanding occurred after the request to remove the Montenegrin coats of arms from the uniforms, which they had placed themselves.

"These are the insignia that the police wear today. He told me that the minister ordered it, and I told him that all my people would come in 10 minutes and return the weapons and equipment, but that we would not remove the emblems. When they saw our resistance, they accepted it and we continued on."

Then, Duško Glendža's unit was tasked with, among other things, monitoring Štirovnik and reacting in the event of sabotage of the repeater, from which TV and radio signals are transmitted: "They realized that they could not do what they had planned. We defended Cetinje for a year. Cetinje was and remains a symbol of Montenegro. It all started in Cetinje and I hope it will continue to be so."

As fate would have it, a few years later he met a member of the Seventh Battalion at his house in Nikšić. The meeting ended much differently than on Lovćenska Street: "I'm still on good terms with him to this day," says Glendža.