Today, Prime Minister Ana Brnabić, together with the ministers, laid a wreath at the entrance to the Government of Serbia, at the place where Zoran Đinđić, the first Prime Minister of Serbia after the dismissal of Slobodan Milošević and the victory of the opposition in the elections, was assassinated 18 years ago.
On the ribbon on the wreath is written "Dr Zoran Đinđić - Government of the Republic of Serbia".
Đinđić was killed on March 12, 2003 in the courtyard of the Serbian Government building, and Zvezdan Jovanović, an officer of the Special Operations Unit (JSO) of the Department of State Security, was sentenced to 40 years in prison for his murder.
JSO commander Milorad Ulemek was sentenced to the same sentence for organizing the murder.
Djindjic was the first Prime Minister of Serbia after the fall of the Milosevic regime in 2000 and the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) came to power.
During his mandate, the process of democratization of society and radical economic and social reforms was initiated, and Serbia opened up to the world.
The political background of the murder of Djindjic, who was the first democratic prime minister of Serbia, has not been investigated.
Lutovac: Metaphor, "the tool that God forgot when creating the world", was a powerful instrument in Đinđić's public communication
The President of the Democratic Party (DS), Zoran Lutovac, said today that one of the messages that Zoran Đinđić wanted to be clear and unequivocal is that we must replace the ethics of good intentions with the ethics of responsibility if we want Serbia to become an orderly state and a free society.
In an author's text for the Beta agency, on the occasion of the 18th anniversary of the assassination of the Prime Minister of Serbia, Zoran Đinđić, Lutovac stated that the metaphor, "a tool that God forgot when creating the world", was a powerful instrument in Đinđić's public communication.
"Without the ethics of responsibility and solidarity that Đinđić stood for, we will flounder as a society in a community of demagoguery, without a goal and a perspective," said the leader of the DS.
Lutovac emphasized that Đinđić wanted to be understood, and not to show the splendor of his mind.
The author's text of DS president Zoran Lutovac is transmitted in its entirety:
"There are people who, when they leave, leave behind such a void that even those who did not know them sincerely grieve, as when they lose someone of their own.
The loss of Zoran Đinđić caused a double pain for many. Pain for the loss of a man, a statesman, painfully killed in the stress of power, a man who knowingly risked his life for the public interest, and in the end sacrificed it.
Also, the pain for Serbia as we imagined it, as we saw it when we listened to him. Serbia, as we believed.
No one today can, and should not, speak for a man of undoubtedly unique vision and energy who made the greatest sacrifice for his country.
That's why, instead of endless guesses and hypotheses about what he would do today, let's take some time and think about what we know, about what Zoran Đinđić did and what he said, and see if we can draw some lesson from it that would be useful for us. helpful today.
He said that reforms are always swimming upstream, that reforms are always conflicts with mentality, heritage, interests, entropy and inertia, but above all he said that we need to wake up with hope and a smile and work to convince people around us that changes for the better are possible.
To start facing problems with positive energy. And let's face the biggest first.
And the biggest problem, then, as it is today, was first of all to face ourselves and the despondency that surrounds us.
Just a brief look at the endless extraordinary and regular press conferences of the president and the government clearly show us that there is exactly the opposite political sensibility on the part.
All national television stations, all their press, tabloids, hordes of social media bots, all dedicated to one goal: to convince us that the leader is perfect.
He has no need to change himself, he does everything right, and the environment is to blame for the failures that are piling up with increasing speed: conspiracies, internal and external enemies.
Endless lines of party "analysts" and "experts" are there to explain to us how the world is unfair, how the battle is already lost.
Turn on any morning program and see if you can find one of them who started the day with a smile.
The Democratic Party recently marked 31 years since the restoration of multipartyism and its activities.
It is far from success in the elections at least as far as it seemed to be in March 1999 when Zoran Đinđić had to leave Serbia to avoid the fate that befell Ćuruvija.
We do not complain about the situation we are in now, just as we did not complain then either - when you have people in power for whom human freedoms and democracy mean nothing, you cannot expect anything else.
We are trying to change ourselves. To offer new people. To offer solutions and not endless whining about the sad state of Serbian democracy.
We want to change ourselves, because only the best version of us can regain the trust of Serbian citizens in the next elections.
Only by being united and in solidarity can we fight against a regime that knows no responsibility or shame.
Who doesn't shy away from anything, because he knows how deep he is in crime.
We are unselfishly dedicated to integrative processes in the opposition, convinced that this is a prerequisite for essential social and not only political changes.
That is why we are there when there are protests, boycotts, when common goals are formulated, when there is a fight for free and fair elections.
We will be there even if civil resistance to repression and the usurpation of our rights is needed.
We must return the state of Serbia to its citizens. For the Democratic Party, Serbia has its own clear path, and that is the path to Europe.
But we are telling Brussels once again that we do not want to be extras in the project of stabilocracy, but free citizens in an organized democratic state.
We do not want to be stable in poverty, corruption and autocracy.
We want a free and orderly state with the rule of law.
We want to take our lives back into our hands. We want to decide, not to follow, to get back our rights, our money and our dignity.
And we will only be able to do this in solidarity and responsibility towards ourselves and the generations to come," said Zoran Lutovac in the author's text on the occasion of 18 years since the assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić.
Mesarović: Satanization preceded the murder of Đinđić, the state did not preserve him
The president of the court panel that ruled for the murder of Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić, Nata Mesarović, said that the crime "was preceded by the satanization of the personality of the Prime Minister and his closest associates."
"He was criticized for the government's policy, accused of cooperation with the Hague Tribunal and criminal groups, attacked for the announced reforms, and was especially demonized when he announced the fight against organized crime at the end of 2002," Mesarović told today's Kurir.
She stated that her first memory of the trial was that "the crime was committed by an organized criminal group, politically motivated, prepared...".
"The state, according to the security structure, did not protect the Prime Minister, it allowed him to be killed at the entrance to the government building, with many omissions on the part of those who had the task of protecting him. I am not only referring to his personal physical security, but also to the counter-intelligence services. , to the MUP and State Security," Mesarović said.
When asked about the possible political background of the murder, she pointed out that the court is bound by the indictment and cannot exceed it.
"The political background will probably be investigated by historians, politicians, investigative journalists, but the court cannot be asked to do something that is not in the indictment," Mesarović explained.
She also said that "without the support of professionals in state institutions - there are no strong organized criminal groups".
"The Zemun clan had enormous strength and power. It will hardly happen again in these areas," assessed Mesarović, who said that there is no information about Veljko Belivuk's clan except what other citizens from the media have.
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