In just over two years, Expo 2027 is scheduled to be organized in the Serbian capital, an event that Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić sees as the crowning glory of his reign, writes Jutarnji list.
This Croatian media outlet writes that despite the name, this is not the great World Exhibition, the "Exposition universelle", which gave Paris the Eiffel Tower, San Francisco the Palace of Fine Arts, Brussels the Atomium, and Rome, although not held, the magical EUR.
A "real" world exhibition is organized every five years, and this year's will attract 28 million visitors to Osaka, Japan.
Belgrade was awarded a "small Expo", a specialized thematic exhibition that falls between the two world ones.
No matter how much Vučić tries in his pompous and pathetic appearances to portray the Belgrade Expo as the biggest event on the planet in 2027, reality does not confirm these megalomaniac claims.
The size and importance of the specialized exhibitions of the mini-Expo is perhaps best illustrated by the fact that it was held three times in Plovdiv, Bulgaria: in 1981, 1985, and 1991. Unlike a real world exhibition that lasts half a year, there is no spatial restriction, and participating countries can build their own pavilions, it is limited in time to three months, has an area of 25 hectares, and all exhibition spaces are provided by the host. In comparison, this year's real Expo in Osaka will cover 155 hectares, and the next one, in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, will cover 2030.
Specialized exhibitions are always thematic.
Jutarnji List writes that Serbs planned to dedicate Belgrade to what they believe they do best in the world: sports and music.
Belgrade's čaršija, the local version of the spica, derisively calls it the "Expo from AliExpress" because "it's not the real thing." Real or not, it will turn a lot of money: the official cost of holding the exhibition, according to its secretariat, is 1,29 billion euros.
For that amount, three Pelješac bridges or about a hundred kilometers of highway could be built, which are being rapidly built in Serbia even where, according to classical parameters, there is no traffic or economic justification.
But the regime is trying to create strategic partnerships by giving jobs to companies and countries from which it expects political support. Infrastructure in Serbia is being built by the Chinese, Azerbaijanis and the American "Bechtel", the same company that built the A1 highway in that country during the time of former Croatian Prime Minister Ivo Sanader, who was convicted of corruption.
The billion and three hundred million planned investments in the Belgrade Expo include only direct costs. When we add to that those that are not formally counted in the exhibition, but are connected to it, from asphalting existing city streets and building new roads, water supply and sewage systems, through facade makeovers, incentives for new hotels and the purchase of new trains, buses, trolleybuses, trams and boats on the Sava River, to telecommunications infrastructure and who knows what else, we arrive at as much as 17 billion euros in direct and indirect investments. For comparison, the planned cost of the six-month Expo 2030 world exhibition in Riyadh is eight billion.
Jutarnji List states that in Vučić's brotherly Serbia, it is common and almost normal for prices to be non-transparently and ruthlessly upgraded and increased by "increasing costs" and "unplanned and additional work."
The reconstruction of the Novi Sad railway station, the one whose collapse killed 15 people, was originally contracted for 3,5 million euros, but the responsible and now former and accused minister Goran Vesić stated that in the end the full 15,8 million was paid.
A little over 112 km of the transversal road connecting two highways already built in the north-south direction was contracted (with "Bechtel") for 900 million, but so far Serbia has already paid over 1,6 billion euros, and the works are not yet completed.
Civil engineer Danijel Dašić states that the reconstruction of the 108 km railway from Novi Sad to the border with Hungary was heavily overpaid to Chinese contractors.
"The cost of building a completely new railway on flat terrain would be four to five million per kilometer, and Serbia paid ten million for reconstruction and modernization," he says.
A huge portion of that money goes to local subcontractors, often unknown companies with no history or references, owned by suspicious figures connected to ruling structures.
There are countless examples of this. Builders and economists say that price gouging is common and "normal" in Serbia. Contracted and tendered amounts double, and can grow to an incredible 400 percent of their original value. Thus, the 17 billion euros currently listed as the total cost of the exhibition could grow to 35, even 50 billion. All of that public money would certainly end up in the hands of businessmen gathered, controlled and held in the palm of Aleksandar Vučić's hand.
While the idealess opposition, since the beginning of the progressive government in 2012, has been lamenting its own damned fate and promising betterment when it comes to power - without explaining how - the all-powerful ruler of Serbia has been creating and connecting a network of collaborators, companies, organizations and structures. The common goal: to stay in power as long as possible with as little control as possible, in order to ensure the highest possible profits for the privileged participants.
Jutarnji List states that the paradigm of Vučić's project is "Belgrade on the Water": the demolition of the existing railway, industrial and residential infrastructure between the Stari Most and Gazela Bridge, where masked gangs evicted residents while the police refused to intervene, and the subsequent frenetic construction allegedly financed by non-transparent Arab investors. But the 2027 exhibition threatens to overshadow this most expensive project of the brothers to date.
To implement the "deal of the century", Vučić used his absolute majority in the Parliament and passed laws declaring the Expo a project of national interest. At the end of 2023, the Law on Special Procedures for the Implementation of an International Specialized Exhibition was passed, a lex specialis, which legalized public procurement without a tender, by direct agreement. Many procedures were simplified or avoided. The height of arrogance, which even three months of protests have not shaken, is the adoption of regulations that allow the use of facilities without a use permit and technical inspection. And this after the collapse of the Novi Sad canopy, which occurred precisely due to non-compliance with regulations and procedures.
Furthermore, the powers are to be implemented "according to an expedited procedure", without the possibility of postponing execution if "there is a state interest and a need for urgency". And in a project conceived by the great ruler himself, and implemented by the financial wizard, Minister of Finance and probably Vučić's only man of absolute trust, Siniša Mali, everything is urgent and everything is in the state interest.
Under the aegis of "investing in Expo", the state of Serbia will pay a huge amount of money without proper procedure, in a non-transparent and crony manner. In order for those 17 or 35 or 50 billion to be distributed among a narrow circle of Vučić's obedient businessmen, two conditions are necessary: that the president retains (absolute) power until 2027 and that unrest and riots in Serbia do not lead to the cancellation of the exhibition. Realizing that the events on the streets may call this into question, the president and his businessmen are becoming visibly nervous.
"I am tied to Alek [Vučić] by business interests, not ideology or love. Before him, I was a small businessman and my goals were a good apartment, a good car, a good summer vacation, a good winter vacation and some savings," a long-time acquaintance, a co-owner of a large construction company with an annual turnover of more than ten million euros, commented to me a few days ago:
"Expo is an opportunity, if everything that is planned is built, many will be able to move to Monaco or Florida and do nothing for the rest of their lives. And now let these slobs ruin it for us! Of course I will defend [the regime], but no one is giving us any sign. And if it doesn't fall now, when Expo is over, as far as I'm concerned, [Vučić] can emigrate, go to prison, or even kill himself, I don't care. But first let's finish this job."
Many like them are waiting for a sign, instructions, a call - which do not come. The weakness, both of Vučić himself and of the entire system, is suddenly obvious: for years everything has rested on force, whether just threats or actual implementation.
Hooligans of all kinds and at all levels knew that they were untouchable and unpunished and could and were allowed to achieve whatever the regime wanted through terror. Now that is clearly no longer possible, the public and the threat of future justice have already struck fear into the bones of the bullies, beaters and oppressors.
At the beginning of the protest, the natural reaction of every element of the regime's structure was force; three months later, not only the one giving the orders is restrained, but also the executors, who are no longer willing to obediently use force because they do not know whether the system can still protect them.
The collapse of Aleksandar Vučić's regime is not (yet) likely at this point, despite the hopes of the awakened citizenry and the strong synergy generated by the Protestant community.
The students have not offered any alternative system for the day after, not a single person who could lead a future transitional Serbia without Vučić, and even their most ardent supporters would not be very happy if the country suddenly began to be run by mysterious "plenums", gatherings of twenty-somethings who discuss and decide everything at their faculties.
The public, awakened and emboldened by the students, also brought a new way of thinking. Unburdened by the partisanship and narrow interests of the political opposition, the demonstrators quickly and easily recognized the regime's weak points. They consider the Expo to be one of the most important, due to its crucial importance for financing and supporting Vučić and the composition that keeps him in power. At first timidly, and later increasingly strongly and focused, calls are being made to cancel the exhibition.
Having studied the statutes and regulations of the organization that controls the Expo, the "Bureau International des Expositions" (BIE), Novi Sad lawyer Aleksandar Olenik states that there are five cases in which the BIE can deny the host the right to hold an exhibition. Three seem to describe current Serbia:
- large-scale civil unrest;
- corruption and mismanagement that could lead to contracting jobs with unprofessional companies;
- suppression of civil liberties, including the persecution of journalists and activists.
A claim spread through Belgrade that the BIE inspectors had arrived just as the students were blocking the Autokomanda intersection all day long. Many hoped that the protests might help them get the exhibition canceled.
A spokeswoman for the state-owned company "Expo 2027 Belgrade" denied the arrival of any inspection, stating that the next status check is planned for as late as April.
Fearing that the authorities' need to hold the Expo at all costs could lead to the suppression of protests and the ignoring of their demands, awakened citizens have begun calling for the cancellation of the "generator of corruption and lawlessness." Petitions for cancellation are spreading on social media.
The BIE does not like cancellations. In the history of the small Expo, only the one planned for 2023 in Buenos Aires has been canceled, by a decision of the Argentine government, which cited Covid and its own financial crisis as reasons. The possibility of not holding two exhibitions in a row certainly makes the BIE nervous and it is certain that they will do everything they can to avoid it.
The BIE can ignore anonymous requests to cancel Expo 2027, even when there are tens of thousands of online signatories. However, the campaign has also been joined by wealthy IT expert and businessman Nenad Milanović, founder and owner of the successful company "Cake" with an annual turnover of 85 million dollars.
This Californian Serb has been supporting and financing the protests from the beginning, and about ten days ago he announced that he would use his own money to cover all the costs of an international lawsuit against the BIE for allowing the Belgrade Expo to take place despite the obvious reasons why it would have to be canceled.
Shortly after that announcement, an unusually strong two-day DDOS hacker attack was carried out against cake.com. Milanović managed to defend the company at a cost of tens of thousands of dollars. Convinced that Vučić's supporters were behind the attempt to bring down the American company, he announced additional political and legal activities against BIE.
The Paris organization is clearly not yet under enough pressure to be forced to cancel Belgrade, but it certainly isn't comfortable being the focus of the growing opposition to Vučić's favorite toy. At some point, it will have to speak out, even if it's just a vague and vague PR statement, especially when Milanović's lawyers file lawsuits in French courts.
The beginning of the end of the Serbian government, which has been seriously shaken by three months of protests, but not yet overthrown, could be triggered precisely by the BIE's public statement. The very thought of Expo 2027 not taking place could create panic in the ranks of Vučić's octopus and perhaps lead his insiders to abandon him or even overthrow him from within.
Wishing for such an outcome, Vučić's opponents continue with protests, to which the incipient regime clearly has no answer. His overthrow from the streets could take time, unless it is accelerated by some external factor. And the most serious such threat will occur soon, in a little over two weeks.
From "modest commission" to state marijuana farm
Jutarnji List writes that the ways in which Vučić's supporters legally and illegally earn and steal money could fill a textbook on favoritism, cover-ups, corruption and organized crime.
Starting from incorporating it into every contract that has to do with anything the state (or the SNS, which has practically become a state) does, through inventing completely unnecessary works, operations, events and investments that will be entrusted to "their own", to the shameless legalization of classic crime.
Vučić did not invent state and party crime, he only took it over and perfected it. Stealing also took place during the time of Milošević and Đinđić and Koštunica and Tadić. But while during the rule of the "yellows", the Democratic Party, which received this derisive nickname after its party color, the usual commission for the person who brought or contracted the work was five percent, the greedy Progressives immediately raised it to twice the percentage, and it is believed that it now goes up to 15, or even 20 percent.
Of the millions of fictitious expenses, perhaps the most interesting are the seemingly most banal ones: whenever a foreign official visits the Serbian capital, even if it is a deputy assistant minister from a "traditionally friendly country" that few in Serbia have heard of, every lamppost from the airport to the city center and all major boulevards in all directions that the dear guest will never pass by are decorated with the flags of Serbia and his country.
These flags must be purchased, of course without a tender because it is always urgent, placed on tens of thousands of poles, and then taken down. Who gets these jobs? Fraudulent companies, of course. New Year's lighting is installed while summer is still in effect, and often before Easter because it is paid for by the day. To the guys. For every state and church holiday, cities across Serbia organize concerts in squares, most often folk songs, for which a large stage must be set up, lighting, sound systems, generators and toilets must be provided. All of this is done for public money by selected, reliable party cadres. They will return part of the public money to the slush funds of the ruling clique, and guarantee the other part to ensure their unquestionable loyalty.
Over time, the ruling progressives' rampage got so out of control that a marijuana farm sprang up in the suburbs of Belgrade under the auspices of the state. After arresting the driver, a few uncorrupted police inspectors searched his organic food farm and found marijuana production on 12 hectares of greenhouses, 650 kg of finished product, weapons, and fake police IDs.
The team immediately attacked the inspectors who dared to spoil the work that was clearly under the control of the government: arrests, transfers, suspensions... The owner of the organic marijuana farm was released to defend himself from prison and even today, after more than four years, he has not been convicted; moreover, he is suing the court and is harassing journalists who write about the "Jovanjica" case on social media.
It is precisely against such a structure based on unlimited and unpunished plunder, which disregards the consequences for the state, society and human lives, that Serbian students and citizens are protesting today.
Bonus video:
