The uncertainty surrounding Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić's departure to Moscow has been attempted by regime media in recent months to present it as a decision that will change the course of world history.
This approach was reinforced after the collapse of Vučić's American visit, when it became clear that avoiding Russia would further complicate the Serbian regime's foreign policy position.
The Serbian President thus failed to meet Trump, Putin, and Xi in seven days, but two out of three in Moscow are still sufficient material for tabloid praise of the wise foreign policy that reflects Aleksandar Vučić's great reputation in the world.
The unease remained, however, as Vučić himself stated, somewhat worriedly, that he hoped that Slovak Prime Minister Fico would still arrive in Moscow, "so that I would not be the only European president here."
Vučić has run out of excuses
After some avoidance, primarily going to the BRICS summit, Aleksandar Vučić's current political and personal assessment was that he had to appear in Moscow this time, says political analyst Đorđe Vukadinović.
"Otherwise, his policy of wise balancing, as his supporters see it, or of sitting on three chairs, as his critics describe it, would fall apart."
"This has to do with the profile of his electorate, but also with the overall mood of Serbian citizens. The public in the West cannot understand how the majority of Serbian citizens sincerely and wholeheartedly support close ties with Russia," Vukadinović tells DW.
The Serbian President's intention from the beginning was to appear in Moscow, where he essentially belongs, believes Naim Leo Beširi, director of the Institute for European Affairs.
"There are dictators and autocrats in Moscow, and in this way Vučić justifies his radical image from the 1990s. It is now clear to everyone that the stories about European integration are a simple lie in order to stay in power as long as possible and enable the enrichment of those around him."
"I'm not sure that the citizens of Serbia understood this, but I'm sure that they understood it very well in Europe, and that we will soon see the consequences of such a policy of the Serbian regime," Beširi told DW.
Picula or Putin?
If we look at the mood of public opinion in Serbia, there are voices that say that by going to Moscow, Aleksandar Vučić somehow sent the message "you support those who are for Picula, and I'll go to Putin."
"Putin and Russia, whatever they are, are incomparably more popular among the Serbian public than Tonino Pizzula and Ursula von der Leyen," notes Đorđe Vukadinović.
"This is a reality that the Western, as well as the Serbian public, is reluctant to face. So the visit also has marketing value for Vučić, which can serve to mobilize his electorate. And 90 percent of the supporters of the Serbian Progressive Party are pro-Russian," notes Vukadinović.
The entire PR tour, from America to Moscow, was supposed to show Aleksandar Vučić's greatness as a statesman, draws attention to Naim Leo Beširi.
He adds, "We are already seeing the consequences of this megalomania, because for several years we have had a complete standstill in European integration. Inflation is already nullifying some of the economic progress that Serbia has had, and the shameful fact that Vučić salutes Russian soldiers in Moscow will not be forgotten so easily in many European countries," Beširi emphasizes.
European Union: Criticizes or supports the regime?
When it comes to the EU's reactions, Đorđe Vukadinović says that Brussels does not have too many instruments at its disposal, and some of them have not been used.
Vukadinović recalls "that the EU has repeatedly helped Vučić at some key moments, whether because of stabilocracy or because of some of the resources that were promised to it."
"Serbia's European path is practically at a standstill, and it seems that no one in the current government cares much about it. Additional punitive measures are not realistic, because let's not forget that the EU is increasingly speaking with one voice, but besides that, Brussels has enough of its own problems to be too concerned with Vučić's departure to Moscow," our interlocutor says.
Vučić's message from Moscow on this occasion was "what the consequences will be for me personally."
Naim Leo Beširi notes that this is a message to Vučić's voters - worry about me because the EU is going to do something terrible to me.
"A narcissistic need to show that he is the only one who matters. Regardless, we currently have unusually harsh messages from the European Parliament, but also the European Commission, where they openly talk about the autocratic regime in Serbia," says the director of the Institute for European Affairs.
Đorđe Vukadinović assesses that "such statements are already standard self-praise."
"Vučić is inserting himself between the party, politics and the state. A typical maneuver that emphasizes his importance, and on the other hand, the courage to face the consequences. I do not believe that he was thinking of some kind of personal sanctions, which I doubt Brussels would vote for, and even if he did, it would only strengthen his patriotic image," Vukadinović believes.
A game of nerves with students
Vučić also responded from Moscow to the students' request for early parliamentary elections. "Let them prepare for the elections, it will happen when the relevant, non-competent institution signs it."
It is clear that in this way he is sending a message that he is in control. "That is the manner from the Red Star stands, and now he just continues to communicate with the public about serious matters with tricks," emphasizes Naim Leo Beshiri.
I'm afraid the request for elections is too late, says Đorđe Vukadinović. He came, he says, "because of the loss of initiative and now confirms Vučić's legitimacy."
"Because now that decision depends on Vučić, not on political pressure. I think that any entry into the elections, without changing the entire political process, is too big a risk, whether it's students or opposition parties," Vukadinović concluded for DW.
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