The increasing "Putinization" of Hungary

In Hungary, it is illegal to demonstrate in uniform and wear totalitarian symbols, but Orban's government allows neo-Nazis and Putin supporters to march with impunity every year.

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Viktor Orban, Photo: REUTERS
Viktor Orban, Photo: REUTERS
Disclaimer: The translations are mostly done through AI translator and might not be 100% accurate.

Criminalization of homosexuality, toleration of neo-Nazis, populism… And the opposition will be “liquidated like bedbugs.” Orban no longer chooses either words or methods – because the elections are next spring.

Outrage over Hungary's Pride ban: Critics accuse Viktor Orbán of "fascism" and of moving closer to Putin's model of government. The prime minister has another goal: to divert attention from corruption scandals in his system.

Wehrmacht uniforms, Russian flags, SS symbols, the letter Z, swastikas – hundreds of neo-Nazis are marching in the very center of Budapest, near Buda Castle. The official residence of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán is not far away. This is what the neo-Nazi gathering looked like in February 2025, and it is held in Budapest every year at this time.

In Hungary, it is illegal to demonstrate in uniform and wear totalitarian symbols, but Orban's government allows neo-Nazis and Putin supporters to march with impunity every year.

The situation is different in the case of so-called “LGBTQ propaganda”. For example, a bookstore in Budapest was fined 2023 euros in July 32.000 for displaying a comic book about two gay boys on its shelves, which was visible to minors. This is considered “LGBTQ propaganda” in Hungary and is prohibited.

"Liquidate the shadow army"

Using the argument of child protection, Orbán’s majority in parliament has now also banned the “Pride Parade,” a queer march that promotes diversity and tolerance. The constitutional amendment to this effect quickly passed parliament, and just hours later, President Tamás Šujok signed the law into law.

This means that public gatherings that display queer symbols such as rainbow flags, where sexuality is presented as “an end in itself” or where people dress “differently from their sex at birth” are no longer permitted. Violations are punishable by a fine of up to 550 euros, which is slightly less than the minimum wage in Hungary.

The Pride ban is just the latest episode in Viktor Orbán's new offensive against his alleged or real critics and opponents. The Hungarian prime minister has been promising a "great purge by Easter." He last said so in a speech on March 15, Hungary's national holiday.

He then called critics "bedbugs" who would be "liquidated": "The bedbugs are in hibernation. We will liquidate the financial machine that used corrupt dollars to buy politicians, judges, journalists, pseudo-civil organizations, and political activists. We will liquidate that entire shadow army."

Dehumanization of government critics

In Hungary, those who think differently from Orbán are already used to a lot from the prime minister. In recent weeks, for example, the government’s campaign against alleged corrupt recipients of USAID funds has been launched with unprecedented intensity. Orbán’s propaganda agency, the “Sovereignty Office,” for example, falsely accuses the popular independent news portal Teleks of being funded primarily by foreign sources such as USAID and thus representing foreign interests – in other words, of committing treason.

They are used to it, so – but the fact that he is now calling them “bedbugs” has shocked even opposition politicians and independent journalists. Many assess that what is at work is a “dehumanization” of all critics of the government, that it is a matter of “rising fascism” and the “rapid Putinization” of Hungary.

This is the first time Orban has used such rhetoric. The term “pest control” is equally reminiscent of language used by German Nazis and Soviet Stalinists in the 1930s. Prominent Hungarian political scientist Gabor Torok, who is usually quite cautious in his assessments, describes Orban’s talk about “bedbugs” as “crossing the line” – which, he adds, could ultimately harm both the prime minister and his party.

Dissatisfaction with Orban is growing

In fact, Orbán’s current “great purge” is both his tactical maneuvering and an expression of his fear of losing power. For some time now, dissatisfaction with the prime minister and his so-called “Order of National Cooperation” (NER) has been growing. At the moment, there are signs that a change of government is possible in the parliamentary elections in the spring of 2026.

Although the Hungarian economy is not in a serious crisis, it is still struggling to recover. Inflation is high and is particularly affecting middle-income earners. The measures the government is trying to counter, such as price freezes, are either ineffective or do not help those who really need it.

US President Donald Trump's tariff war could plunge Hungary, which is heavily dependent on the German car industry, into a real crisis. In addition, Hungary's education, healthcare and public infrastructure are in poor condition. Meanwhile, football fanatic Orban is investing in gigantic stadiums and sports facilities.

Corruption and nepotism

It is also becoming increasingly clear how corrupt Orbán’s system is and to what extent his family members, party friends and political allies benefit from the prevailing nepotism. Recently, investigative journalists from the Direkt36 website released the film “Dynasty,” which tells the astonishing rise of the Orbán family from rather poor circumstances to a dynasty of billionaires – a rise that is linked to Orbán’s political office. The film has so far been seen by three and a half million people, out of Hungary’s 9,5 million population.

This week, Direkt36 published another report on corruption and fraud – this time about the Hungarian National Bank (MNB) under its former head, György Matolcs, who allowed his family, and especially his son, to live a luxurious life using MNB funds and through an opaque foundation structure. The case is also being investigated by the Hungarian Court of Auditors (ASZ).

The discontent with all this is reflected in the success of opposition politician Peter Magyar. This defector from Orban's system, almost unknown until just a year ago, is now achieving increasing success in opinion polls with his party Tisa (Respect and Freedom). Meanwhile, Tisa is clearly ahead of Orban's Fidesz party in some polls, and Magyar himself is currently the most popular politician.

How far will Orban go?

It is in the nature of a system like that of the Hungarian Prime Minister to move increasingly towards authoritarianism and dictatorship. If there were a change of government in Hungary, Orban and his circle of powerful people and oligarchs would face expropriation, prosecution and prison sentences. From this perspective, it seems logical that Orban is currently setting off a spiral of escalation in earnest. For example, there is discussion of denaturalizing those critics of the regime who have dual citizenship. The goal is not only to silence critics in Hungary, but also to achieve maximum polarization of society ahead of parliamentary elections.

It remains to be seen whether for Orban, “liquidating the bedbugs” also means taking physical action against his most dangerous opponents, for example through staged accidents, poisonings or assassinations like those in Russia, a close partner of Hungary. Peter the Great is still “just” a daily topic in Orban’s propaganda media.

These days, however, the opposition politician has hinted that he is already under surveillance. And day and night. Under a Facebook photo of himself and his new girlfriend, he wrote: “Dear propagandists, you don’t have to freeze behind your car at night and bother your neighbors. Yes, she + me = we.” Behind that text, he added another emoji of two hands forming a heart.

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