History divides Poland and Ukraine again

After the Russian attack on Ukraine in February 2022, Polish-Ukrainian solidarity became one of the most striking stories in the shadow of the brutal war launched by the Kremlin.

Millions of Poles, mindful of their own tragic historical experience with Russia, organized to provide Ukrainian refugees with food, shelter, and support as they crossed the border in huge numbers fleeing the war.

Four years later, that wave of generosity and solidarity seems like a distant memory. The two countries are now embroiled in a bitter historical dispute that has led to harsh rhetoric, mutual accusations and Poland's threats to block Ukraine's accession to the European Union (EU) until it resolves issues from its history.

The dispute concerns the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), a branch of which was responsible for the 1943 massacre of around 100.000 Poles in Volhynia, in western Ukraine, then part of Poland and known as Volhynia. The event has long been a sticking point in relations between Warsaw and Kiev, but the latest crisis has been triggered by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s decision to name a military unit after “UPA heroes,” despite protests from Poland.

In Ukraine, the UPA is primarily remembered for its fight against Soviet rule, while its role in the massacres of Poles and the murder of Jews is downplayed or portrayed as just one episode in a series of crimes committed by various sides during the bloody chaos of World War II. Some Ukrainians also point to the historical context of the discriminatory policies that the Polish authorities implemented against their ancestors.

Still, there is little doubt that the killings took place, and in Poland they are considered genocide.

“Glorifying genocide or turning a blind eye to it is an invitation to a new genocide,” Polish nationalist President Karol Nawrocki said in a speech marking the anniversary of the massacre last Saturday, not far from the border with Ukraine.

In June, Nawrocki stripped Zelensky of a Polish state decoration over this dispute. This sparked a wave of returns of Polish decorations by Ukrainian officials, as well as a stormy reaction from the Ukrainian political leadership.

"No one will ever again dictate to Ukrainians which heroes to honor, which holidays to celebrate, or which history to study," Kirill Budanov, chief of staff to Volodymyr Zelensky, wrote on the X platform after the government announced that it was continuing to build a "pantheon" of Ukrainian national heroes, which will apparently include members of the UPA.

Zelensky was not seen as a leader of a nationalist movement. He won the 2019 elections as an inclusive political figure who could unite Ukrainians. He grew up in a Russian-speaking Jewish family in the southeast of the country, far from the nationalist traditions of western Ukraine.

“Suddenly, a man who knows very well how harmful it is to pay tribute to the UPA has started flirting with nationalism,” said Bartosz Cichocki, Poland’s ambassador to Ukraine from 2019 to 2023.

Some believe that Zelensky assessed that this move would bring him clear domestic political benefits, at a time when Ukrainian society is united in the fight against Russia and eager for national heroes.

"By doing so, he gains internal political legitimacy, but he loses something much bigger... I think they were surprised in Kiev by how strong our reaction was," added Cichocki.

In Poland, Nawrocki has readily capitalized on the scandal. A historian who has focused on Polish suffering and heroism in his previous posts, he defeated a liberal opponent in last year’s presidential election, part of his campaign being based on anti-Ukrainian sentiment. The stripping of Zelenskiy of the highest civilian decoration bestowed by the Polish state is a surprising move, especially considering that the same award was never taken from Italian dictator Benito Mussolini or the openly pro-Russian former German chancellor Gerhard Schroeder.

Still, it is clear that taking a tough stance on Ukraine scores political points. According to a recent opinion poll commissioned by the Polish Onet portal, the scandal has further boosted Navrótski's popularity. Citizens' trust in him has reached a record 55 percent, an increase of more than eight percentage points from the previous month.

"Poland today has a president who is waging a war on memories and using history as an instrument for internal political showdowns," said Ukrainian historian Yaroslav Hrytsak.

The Polish coalition government, led by Donald Tusk, stands in stark contrast to Navrocki's. Some of its members have tried to strike a more conciliatory tone towards Ukraine, but the decision on the UPA has also angered them. With parliamentary elections due next year, they are keenly aware of the political consequences of appearing too soft on Ukraine.

Last weekend, Tusk announced the construction of a "wall of remembrance", on which the names of all known victims of the massacre will be engraved, and said that Ukraine has no place in the European Union until it faces its own past.

"Reconciliation in Europe after World War II was possible thanks to the truth and the willingness to speak openly about the past. Those who want to become part of this community must be ready to accept that truth," Tusk said.

This open deterioration of Polish-Ukrainian relations is new, but discontent has been simmering on both sides for some time. The unity was maintained because Ukraine could not afford to alienate one of its most important allies, while Poland was aware that the Ukrainian army was the obstacle between it and an expansionist Russia.

However, events such as the blockade of Ukrainian trucks, organized by Polish truck drivers in late 2023, have suggested that a much more complex relationship lies beneath the surface.

For many Poles, the source of discontent is the more than one million Ukrainians who now live in Poland. Nationalist politicians fuel this sentiment, ignoring the fact that Ukrainians as a whole contribute more to the Polish economy than they burden it.

Ukrainians, on the other hand, feel that Poles look down on them and do not appreciate the sacrifice they make protecting the rest of Europe from Russia. Many are outraged by the humiliating treatment at Polish border crossings, which, with flights to Ukraine suspended from 2022, are one of the few ways to leave the country.

More broadly, Jewish organizations have been concerned for years about Ukraine's honoring of individual members of the UPA, whose followers were complicit in the Holocaust. In 2010, American historian Timothy Snyder criticized then-Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko for awarding Stepan Bandera, the leader of one wing of the UPA.

Snyder described Bandera's political goal as a "one-party fascist dictatorship without national minorities," but in numerous Ukrainian cities, streets are still named after Bandera today, while his quotes can be seen on the walls of modern cafes in Kiev.

This, however, is not proof, as Kremlin propaganda has claimed for years, that Ukrainian society is permeated with fascism. The widespread acceptance of the UPA is part of a much broader process of shaping Ukrainian national identity, in which many citizens have embraced various historical figures as symbols of unity in the fight against the Russian threat.

"Previously, Ukraine was deeply divided when it came to the UPA, and about half of the citizens considered them bandits or collaborators of the occupiers. Since the beginning of the war, a consensus has been established almost immediately that they are freedom fighters," said Hricak.

Stressing that there is “ignorance and lack of feeling” in Ukraine when it comes to the more controversial aspects of the UPA’s legacy, Hricak added that many Ukrainians today view the nationalist movement solely through the prism of its struggle against Soviet rule, which is why they were genuinely surprised and offended by Poland’s strong reaction.

Efforts to bring historians from the two countries together to reach a common understanding of the past now seem doomed to failure. Politicians have taken over, while voices calling for reconciliation are becoming less and less audible.

Given that Poland is facing elections next year, and that Ukraine could also hold them as soon as the military situation allows, many believe that there is little chance of calming tensions.

This open deterioration of Polish-Ukrainian relations is new, but discontent has been simmering on both sides for some time.

Zelensky and Navruz spoke for almost an hour last week on the sidelines of the NATO summit in Turkey, trying to defuse the crisis, but they failed to reach any agreement.

Cihotski believes that relations between the two countries will likely recover somewhat, as most Poles understand that Warsaw and Kiev have a common enemy in Russia. However, he is convinced that in the future the relationship will be devoid of its former closeness and sincere commitment.

Hricak believes that truly confronting the past will take time and warns that blocking Ukraine's European path would be counterproductive.

"All national reconciliations in Europe have happened after wars, not during them. Ukraine must first win the war or at least survive, and only then can we begin to resolve these complex issues," he said.

He added that, given the long and complicated history of relations between the two countries, it is almost a miracle that Poland and Ukraine managed to maintain good relations for so long after the fall of communism.

"The miracle has been broken. And what comes next could be very dangerous," he concluded.

Translated by: S. STRUGAR