There is no universal leader. Leaders always represent a certain social group: a political party, religion or social movement. The more beloved they are by members of that group, the more bizarre and inexplicable the adoration seems to outsiders—to the point that we often write off fans as crazy or somehow despicable. Just think of Margaret Thatcher, Jeremy Corbyn or Boris Johnson.
However, perhaps the biggest enigma of contemporary politics concerns Donald Trump - a man who inspires messianic fever and revulsion in equal measure. A liar and serial adulterer supported by evangelists; a criminal supported by staunch defenders of "law and order"; a man who brags about groping women, yet was elected with a majority of white women's votes; a billionaire who likes to pose in the golden elevator of his New York skyscraper while at the same time presenting himself as a defender of the working class. How on earth does that make sense? Yet at the same time, how can Kamala Harris hope to win in November if she can't make it clear?

The problem is that this is the perspective of those outside the Trump fold. They assume groups and identities (religion, gender, class) through which people view Trump. For example, they consider women to vote as women, based on women's interests, rather than exploring the perspectives and identities through which Trump and his supporters define their interests. That is, how they divide the world into "us" and "them".
Because skilled leaders do not only represent groups. They play a key role in defining the groups they want to lead, and then present themselves as "part" of that group, as someone who works for the group and who delivers results. Or in other words, as I point out together with my collaborators in our book "The New Psychology of Leadership", effective leaders must be skilled "identity entrepreneurs". Whether you love him or loathe him, Donald Trump is (again) on the brink of power because he's one hell of an identity entrepreneur.
Trump's view of "us" and "them" is most evident in his Argument for America, the commercial that ended his successful 2016 presidential campaign. The video is very impressive in that way when you know something is bad for you, but you still can't get away from it. The video is full of repetition, like a drumbeat, organized around the antagonism between the "establishment" and the "American people", culminating in the statement: "I'm doing this for the people and for the movement, and we're going to give this country back to you and we're going to make America great again."
This contrast between "the establishment" and "the people" is, of course, a classic populist trope. Trump's version stands out in three ways. The first is the elasticity of the "establishment", which includes outsiders (Chinese, immigrants, globalists), conventional politicians and anyone who opposes it (media, judges, scientists). The second is his autocratic “taking matters into his own hands”. In contrast to Obama's inspiring "yes, we can," Trump suggests that people cannot stand up to the establishment on their own. They need him as a savior. Trump is more in the "Yes, I can" style.
The third is that "the people" is defined in national/cultural (and implicitly racial) terms, not according to class criteria. This last aspect is crucial because it allows Trump to use his great wealth to connect with the people, rather than the wealth distancing him from them. He and his family are presented as ordinary people, whose success represents the American dream. And not only does he use his wealth to present himself as "one of us". It also allows him to claim to be working "for the people" while his opponents can be bought off and are "totally under the control of lobbyists, donors and special interests". In a speech in which he announced his presidential candidacy in 2015, Trump claimed that he had refused a four billion dollar loan from a major bank, demonstrating his supposed independence from corporate interests.

His wealth ensures that he will simultaneously work for the people and free them from their enemies. He is the one they have been waiting to make them great again, a messiah complex that has only been reinforced by the recent assassination attempt and Trump's defiant reaction to it. Trump's success is not only a matter of what he says, but also of what he does. This brings us to a key aspect of the Trump enigma. How is it that the endless mistakes, rude speech, scowling appearance, incoherent tirades and countless transgressions do not destroy him, as it was the case with other candidates? The answer is that if you define yourself in opposition to the political establishment, breaking the rules of politics only confirms your identity. This shows that "I am not one of them - I am one of us". Maybe a little raw, maybe a little rough around the edges. But apparently one of the people.
In short, Trump is thriving precisely because of, not in spite of, his transgressions. Every time he is criticized for them, he simply reinforces his position by dismissing the critics (be they journalists, lawyers or judges) as part of the establishment. Moreover, instead of being embarrassed by the criticism and sanctions, he and many of his supporters point to them as evidence that they are willing to suffer establishment attacks on behalf of the people. "Felon" becomes a badge of honor, and "I support a felon" becomes a popular meme.
Trump's success in 2016 is partly due to the fact that he understood (and used) these leadership identity processes, which was not the case with Hillary Clinton. In fact, by calling Trump supporters “miserables,” she only reinforced his narrative of the establishment's contempt for ordinary people. The key question for 2024 is whether Kamala Harris has better insight into the reasons for Trump's appeal and whether she can do something about the deep disillusionment with the political class and challenge Trump's claim to be part of the people and work in their interests.
The text is taken from "The Guardian"
The author is a professor of psychology at the University of St Andrews
Translation: NB
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