Project syndicate: Last October, you highlighted the role of shame — specifically, the desire to “overcome the humiliation of centuries of persecution” — in guiding Israeli foreign policy, before warning that the resulting humiliation of Palestinians would only prolong the violence. How should this perspective shape the approach of other countries — including Arab powers like Saudi Arabia, as well as the United States — to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?
Ian buruma: One way not to approach the conflict is to deport the entire Palestinian population of Gaza, as proposed by US President Donald Trump. Such a move would not only be illegal and inhumane, but would also further humiliate a people who have long been humiliated, thereby significantly worsening the situation in the Middle East.
The only proper solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict - the only one that does not perpetuate instability and violence through continued humiliation - remains a two-state solution. This means that Palestinian efforts to govern Gaza and the West Bank themselves should be supported and encouraged. Unfortunately, Israel, with the support of the United States, is doing just the opposite, and the prospects for a two-state solution are growing weaker by the day.
PS: In December, you advised American liberals in the media and higher education to respond to Donald Trump’s “authoritarian ambition” by rededicating themselves to the pursuit of truth. Since his inauguration, Trump has lived up to his opponents’ worst fears, launching an all-out assault on American institutions. If they are right that the Trump administration will ignore court orders restricting his actions, how can he be prevented from “irreparably destroying American democracy”?
IB: Impossible. If Trump chooses to ignore the Supreme Court’s rulings, the US will be plunged into a constitutional crisis, and Republicans, who currently hold a majority in Congress, have shown no will to force him to abide by the law. The only hope is for Democrats to win a majority in the House of Representatives in the 2026 midterm elections—provided those elections are free and fair—and thus curb his autocratic ambitions. But even if that happens, enormous damage to American democracy has already been done. Trump has not only destroyed the norms of good governance by using his political office to further the financial interests of his own family and friends. By attempting to freeze payments already approved by Congress, by demanding personal loyalty from independent agencies (like an absolute monarch), and by openly supporting foreign autocrats instead of democratic allies, he has demonstrated contempt for democracy and the rule of law.
PS: From "messianic politics" in India and the US to Russian "political martyrs" and American "civic religion," you have often sought to illuminate the role of faith in shaping politics. To what extent is such a dynamic reflected in the growing support for authoritarian parties, including in the more secular societies of Europe, and how might it shape democratic resistance?
IB: Evangelical Christians and reactionary Catholics make up a powerful segment of the right-wing populist movement in the US. Many religious people seem to believe that Trump will make America "great again" by halting the decline of a secular state that they see as decadent and immoral.
In Europe, there is less evidence of religious fanaticism, but similar processes may be taking place. The collapse of organized religion in many European countries has contributed to the rise of populism. Anger at educated urban elites is deepening due to a sense of loss, a lack of authority that can be trusted, relied on, and respected. This has led to a desire for strong authoritarian figures who can "save our country" or even "our Judeo-Christian civilization."
Liberal and centrist parties are losing this culture war because they are too technocratic and too focused on procedures. If they want to reverse the trend and confront authoritarianism, they must start advocating ideals around which people can rally. A “rules-based international order” is essential, but it does not inspire people. Perhaps it is time to revive ideals like liberty, equality, and fraternity (liberté, égalité, fraternité).
PS: How might dominant Western models of education, particularly higher education, be reformed to improve the conditions for "reason and freedom of thought," embodied and advocated by the 17th-century philosopher Baruch Spinoza - which is the subject of your latest book, Spinoza: Messiah of Freedom?
IB: One of the priorities should be the fight for the humanities. When he was president of Harvard, Larry Summers once remarked that learning foreign languages was no longer so useful, because any important text could be translated into English. However, while this may be sufficient to train economists and investment bankers, higher education is not just preparation for lucrative jobs. Knowledge is a value in itself.
We need to educate people to think from different perspectives, with a strong sense of history and knowledge of different cultures. Without these qualities, culture and politics will suffer.
"A rules-based international order" is essential, but it doesn't inspire people. Perhaps it's time to revive ideals like liberty, equality, and fraternity.
PS: Spinoza's ideas were interpreted in radically different ways during his lifetime, and after his death. What do you consider to be the most important misunderstandings about him?
IB: Like any thinker who believes in reason as the key mechanism for expanding our knowledge, Spinoza is sometimes misrepresented as a rationalist who leaves no room for intuition or emotion. In reality, Spinoza recognized that feelings are important, even crucial, to our existence. What he discouraged was allowing emotions to control us. This can essentially enslave us and stand in the way of truth, without which we cannot live freely and well.
Spinoza was also both harshly criticized and celebrated as an atheist, but he rejected that epithet. He believed in God, but Spinoza's God was not the "creator" of nature. He was nature.
PS: You've written about a wide range of topics, from the "Churchill complex" to collaborators in World War II. What will your next book be about?
IB: My next book - which I just finished - focuses on life in Berlin during World War II. One of the topics I'm exploring is one that has long fascinated me: how can decent people remain decent in a rude society? That question has never been more relevant.
Ian Buruma is the author of numerous books, including Murder in Amsterdam: The Death of Theo van Gogh and the Limits of Tolerance, Year Zero: A History of 1945, Tokyo Novel: A Memoir, The Churchill Complex: The Curse of Specialness, from Winston and Roosevelt to Trump and Brexit, The Collaborators: Three Stories of Deception and Survival in the Second World War, and, most recently, Spinoza: The Messiah of Freedom.
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