Ten years since the coup attempt that changed Turkey

It is the evening of July 15, 2016. A warm summer day is coming to an end. Many are spending Friday evening with friends or family. They are getting ready for the weekend. No one doubts that Turkey will undergo a fundamental transformation within a few hours.

Suddenly, tanks are on the streets. Fighter jets fly over Ankara and Istanbul. Soldiers block the Bosphorus Bridge – the link between Europe and Asia. The parliament in Ankara is bombed. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan appears on television via video link. He calls on the public to take to the streets and stop the coup.

The coup attempt failed that same night. Yet its political consequences continue to shape the country today.

The Turkish government believes that the Gulen movement is responsible for the attempted coup. A number of high-ranking military officials linked to Gulen have been arrested.

The movement's founder, Islamic preacher Fethullah Gulen, lived in exile in the US for years. He died in 2024.

He was once considered a close ally of Erdogan. Together, the two played a key role in curbing the political influence of the Turkish military and expanding Erdogan's power. That alliance later fell apart.

The government accuses Gulen of infiltrating the state by inserting his followers into the judiciary, police, military and other government institutions over decades. Gulen and his supporters have denied any involvement in the coup.

From an ordinary summer evening to a national day of remembrance

Today, July 15th is a national holiday in Turkey. The former Bosphorus Bridge has since been renamed the “July 15th Martyrs Bridge” – in memory of the people who lost their lives that night.

According to official figures, 253 people were killed, most of them civilians. Today, many streets, squares and schools also bear the name "July 15".

But the anniversary is more than just a commemoration of the victims. It also marks a profound political turning point. In the years since the coup attempt, the government has further expanded its power. The Gulen movement has been designated a terrorist organization, and its alleged supporters have been expelled en masse from the state apparatus.

Six days after the coup, parliament declared a state of emergency. Initially limited to three months, it was extended seven times and did not end until July 19, 2018. During those two years, the president ruled largely by emergency decrees. He issued 32 in total.

The consequences of the purges were enormous. More than 125.000 civil servants and members of the armed forces were dismissed.

According to official figures, around 390.000 people were detained between 2016 and 2025 for alleged links to the Gulen movement. Approximately 113.000 of them were placed in pretrial detention.

In addition, 2.761 institutions – including schools, associations, foundations and media – have been closed.

A total of 4.130 people were sentenced to life imprisonment or life imprisonment with aggravated conditions for their alleged involvement in the coup.

"Extremely centralized structure"

Political scientist Ersin Kalaycoglu confirms the thesis that the impact of the state of emergency lasts to this day. Although it was formally lifted in 2018, the practices from that period have “become institutionalized to a certain extent.” The state has undergone a permanent transformation. In particular, the frequent use of decrees has led to an “extremely centralized structure.”

Public administration has also undergone fundamental changes. In Kalaycoglu's assessment, the bureaucracy has evolved from an apparatus with its own professional standards and scientific expertise into an administration that primarily implements political directives.

Opposition parties also accuse the government of carrying out purges far beyond the Gulen movement. In addition to suspected Gulen supporters, government critics have reportedly been dismissed or criminally prosecuted.

The road to the presidential system

The political coup attempt also accelerated the rapprochement between Erdogan's AKP party and the ultranationalist MHP. With their support, the government managed to hold a constitutional referendum in 2017.

The result was a transition from a parliamentary to a presidential system. The position of prime minister was abolished, and the executive powers of the president were significantly expanded.

Critics have since described the arrangement as a "one-man system."

Kalaycioglu believes that the constitutional amendment represents a fundamental change in the regime. He believes that the political system has developed into a form of "neopatrimonial sultanism" - a system of government in which political power is largely concentrated in the hands of one person, and key decisions largely depend on the president.

The presidential system has also transformed the opposition. Since an absolute majority is required for the presidency, opposition parties have begun to form electoral alliances and nominate joint candidates. This strategy has proven effective: in the municipal elections of 2019 and again in 2024, the opposition won the mayoralties of the country's two largest cities, Ankara and Istanbul.

However, many of these opposition politicians are now facing investigations or charges of terrorism. One of the most prominent cases is that of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu. He was seen as a key political challenger to Erdogan, and after his re-election he faced criminal prosecution.