The opposition reached an agreement on victory on Thursday (September 21). The initials of the leaders of the most important political parties who believed that it was the last hour for an agreement of this kind were left on the paper. Vuk Jeremic's People's Party, which is positioned to the right of the center-right, was not there. But she did not stop being oppositional. The ideological heterogeneity of the opponents of the government may not call into question at least the tacit approach to the agreement.
The victory of the Serbian opposition in the elections by the end of this year, or at the beginning of next year, would mean the end of the rule of the one who considers himself invincible. It would be a dramatic turn in the modern history of Serbia, an exit from the restored feudal order and complete social malaise, the return of freedom of speech and choice, the right to information and a normal life, and an end to the mafia oligarchy that equates itself with the state.
This is of course an optimistic projection, certainly exaggerated in the hopes of the opposition and the captive country about what victory in the elections brings. Such an outcome does not require the consent of the person to be defeated, but his knowledge that defeat is both possible and possible and that the endeavor to overthrow the blackest rule in the history of Serbia - in one of the possible ways - is inevitably coming to an end.
He certainly senses this and activates all the existing crisis hotspots in order to once again postpone the meeting with his political shutdown. Of course he is ready to launch new ones, there are quite a few waiting.
The opposition has finally made some kind of authoritative strategy for the crucial elections. Protests on the streets of Serbian cities did not lead to any progress in removing the disgraceful model of government. Protests against violence were ignored by violence and its intensification. Not a single request was met, not even symbolically. Civil resistance caused anger and additional arrogance of the ruling group. Pink and Happy are the swords on which the ruler sits. The public service is an impenetrable agitprop fortress between Takovska and Aberdareva. Those safe puppet house rulers keep him in the court.
The public service of citizens and its return to those to whom it belongs, will be a condition of all conditions for the opposition to go to the elections. I don't know what they came up with to make it happen. If the protests against violence continue, the demand for at least a somewhat more decent media environment, without the regime's brutal monopoly in that area, would have to be unbearable for the ruler. What would make him give in? He has proven to be resistant to everything that drives normal people to despair. Will the opposition go to the polls if the owner of Serbia still does not care about the conditions?
The opposition must also consider the worst solution. So that everything remains as it is. It is not certain whether they have a solution for such a case. The government's manipulation could be based on the usual scoundrel tricks: you asked for elections, you got them, and now you won't!
It's time to start meeting the citizens, and already today. Every city, every place you can reach, immediate information about what is happening and what another bad election day would mean. It would not be an ordinary agitation, but a trip among the people that could be determined by any hesitation of the opposition and the toxic agitprop of the media machinery that is launched from the head of the regime.
It is much worse if the regime loses the elections and does not admit defeat. The nature of the regime justifies such premonitions
Maybe it's futile work, maybe not. Every vote lost by the sect could, as a symbol of the change of attitude towards its own future, be decisive. This is why the purpose of the opposition campaign and campaign in Serbia is to discourage the voters of the regime. Many of them are no longer sure of the victory of the government as in previous years, nor of their status in the event of a change.
It is obvious that the opposition is looking better than in previous years, he has incomparably more confidence in his election plans and in the strength of citizens who were or are still part of the protest against violence.
It is not the worst outcome if the regime wins the elections again with the help of already known frauds. It is much worse if he loses them and does not admit defeat. The nature of the regime and its violent mechanisms justify such premonitions. Many think that the ruler will not leave the court peacefully, since only the government preserves his freedom.
In the election headquarters, the authorities were always ready, and still are, with violent mechanisms of denying results that are unfavorable to them. Sometimes these are small fraudulent corrections, sometimes mass thefts, vote buying, mobilization of safe voters, use of force or threats, "Bulgarian trains" and special tricks during counting, replacement of bags with ballots. With the complete falsification of the vote in Kosovo and a hundred percent profit.
If, despite everything, the defeat of the regime would be so obvious that it can be hidden only by non-recognition with the help of force, then a catastrophe and a tragic breakdown of society will follow in the face of the ambitions of a mad dictator.
In the agreement for victory, the opposition would have to take into account attempts to deny that victory by force if it is achieved and to preserve peace in the country of violence. The government will certainly protect itself with violence: in the elections to win them back, or in the streets if it loses them. The agreement on victory would have to contain answers to the worst possible outcome.
(Peščanik.net)
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