It's long Milo Djukanovic was an advocate of the state unity of Montenegro and Serbia, rejecting the request of the original Montenegrin sovereignists, political parties and other intellectual, cultural, literary and other associations and individuals, who insisted that Montenegro should finally embark on the path of state and national emancipation and the construction of civil society. For Đukanović, Montenegrin rediviva was not only an unknown country, but he strongly opposed it, preferring the so-called "modern federation" and actively participating in the permanent violation of the equality of Montenegro in that state creation called "FRY". Milo Đukanović was particularly engaged in the confrontation with the autochthonous Montenegrin sovereignists.
During the promotion of SKCG, during the 1990 election campaign, Milo Đukanović in Ivangrad called on voters to vote for SKCG in the elections, otherwise, as he said, "or the pre-January politics will return, the politics of erasing our ethnic roots, the politics of discord and the politics of raising artificial barrier between us and the Serbian people and Serbia" (Quoted according to Olja Obradović, "Sinners and Believers", "Monitor", November 16, 1990, p. 19). He accused the Alliance of Reform Forces for Montenegro of "anti-Serb" and "pre-January" politics, i.e., of the followers and protagonists of the politics that was defeated by the AB revolution in 1989. When Đukanović talks about the "obliteration of our ethnic roots" he certainly had an association on Serbian ethnic roots and origin, which he was proud of, then and later, as a cadet Slobodan Milosevic and a follower of the Greater Serbian imperial and assimilationist policy and aggressive sanctimoniousness.
During the referendum campaign, the Prime Minister of the Republic of Montenegro and one of the leaders of the ruling DPS, Milo Đukanović, in Bijelo Polje, at the party forum on February 14, 1992, was an advocate of the concept that the joint state of Montenegro with Serbia "has no alternative". Đukanović was the protagonist of the "truncated Yugoslavia", integralism with an objective Serbian national-ethnic dominance. Đukanović then claimed that the equality of Montenegro was guaranteed in the new federal state - "FRY", which was a facade federation, that is, the federation was only nominal, and in essence, as time will show, a primarily and de facto centralist state with a unitary institutional practice, in which he will suprema potestas to be in the hands of Slobodan Milošević and his regime. Đukanović was in a hurry to establish a joint state of Montenegro with Serbia as soon as possible, and not only did he have no affinity for the restoration of a sovereign and independent Montenegro, but he was expressly against that emancipatory state-building and pro-Western, European, civil and democratic option. According to Đukanović, "the equality of Montenegro and the overall interests of all its citizens, provided by the structure of the authorities of the future joint state, are fully protected. As for the question of whether the agreements between the leaders of Montenegro and Serbia prejudge the will of the people, I am convinced that what we are doing is necessary in order not to waste time. If the people say YES at the referendum, we would be in a situation where we adopt the constitution in March, and elect the joint state assembly in May. The referendum question left the possibility that other republics interested in a common state could join the joint state" ("The joint state has no alternatives - Milo Đukanović with colleagues at the DPS forum in Bijelo polje", Pobjeda, February 15, 1992, last page ). The future actual status of Montenegro in the "modern federation", its absolutely unequal position, completely denied Đukanović's anticipations and guarantees, so that Đukanović's story represented the most ordinary propaganda and the "building" of Potemkin villages. At the time, a follower of the devalued and profane idea of "Yugoslavism", reduced to the Serbian-Montenegrin variant and subordinated to the Great Serbian war project and goals, Milo Đukanović attached labels to the original Montenegrin sovereignists, who wanted the restoration of the independent state of Montenegro and the Western system of values in it, and at the same meeting for the Civic Forum of Montenegro, which they were at the head of Stanislav-Ćano Koprivica i prof. Dr. Miodrag Perović, which as a non-partisan association explicitly ideologically and politically decided for the state independence of Montenegro, sent a denunciation message to the public, announcing that "what the Civic Forum offers to Montenegro was rejected by the Montenegrin public with indignation" (Ibidem).
At the promotion of DPS in Podgorica, held on May 27, 1992, during the campaign for the first elections for the Council of Citizens of the FRY, Milo Đukanović elaborated that the goals that decided the ruling party in Montenegro to participate in the federal elections, as he said, "besides its determination to create a new Yugoslavia, to establish a new government as soon as possible". Đukanović was extremely critical, almost bellicose, towards the international community, he even predicted that the international community was in agony, facing the "last convulsions" and fiercely verbally confronted it. At that meeting, he emphasized: "But the international community's ultimatum should be accepted as its last hurray." Our answer is that no one could ever blackmail us and we will very soon be accepted in that international environment" ("Peace-first obligation-promotion of DPS in Podgorica", "Pobjeda", May 29, 1992, p. 7). Despite Djukanović's rhetorical defiance, his expectations backfired. The international community did not listen to Đukanović's hopes and wishes for years, until he distanced himself from Greater Serbia politics and Slobodan Milošević, under whose mantle he was for a long time.
Prime Minister Milo Đukanović announced in Herceg Novi on May 29, 1992 that "the European Union did not have a just and principled attitude towards Serbia and Montenegro". He clarified and asked: "If we accept the newly formed states, which have been recognized by the international community, is it a matter of principle to challenge the people of Serbia and Montenegro to live in a common state". Đukanović asked "then why is the will of the people of the republics that declared that they want to continue living together in a common state not accepted. At the same time, it should be said that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia fulfilled all the demands for which it was accused". Đukanović also announced that "no country that wants to ensure its sovereignty can allow the army of another country to control the entry of every ship into its territorial waters. In addition, the very course of the border between Montenegro and Croatia shows unnaturalness. An activity was initiated in the relationship between the Parliament of Croatia and the Assembly of Montenegro, and a solution to the permanent exchange of territories was nominated, by exchanging certain areas between Montenegro, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina" ("Ecological state-oasis of peace-Interview of Milo Đukanović with participants of the May meeting of tourist journalists in Herceg Novi", "Pobjeda", May 30, 1992, p. 1).
In an interview with TV Beograd on May 30, 1992, on the day harsh international sanctions were imposed against the FRY because of its involvement and responsibility for the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina, that is, because of its participation in the aggression against it, Milo Đukanović said that "Yugoslavia will continue to the world has its friends", accusing the international community of irrational behavior. He then emphasized, faithful to the state unity of Montenegro with Serbia and the war policy of Slobodan Milošević, that he could not fathom "rational reasons for an extremely negative attitude of the international community towards the very idea of the Yugoslav state and the efforts of Serbia and Montenegro to continue its continuity" ( "Yugoslavia has a friend - Milo Đukanović in an interview with TV Beograd", "Pobjeda", May 31, 1992, p. 12). Đukanović also confronted himself with his views Badinters The Arbitration Commission, which stated that the SFRY has disintegrated and that the FRY is a new state, which should request international recognition, and which stated that the FRY cannot be the exclusive and only successor and continuation of the continuity of the SFRY, but that the successors of the SFRY are equally independent state, the former Yugoslav republic, which as such arose in the process of its dissolution from 1991.
Almost a month after the international community imposed harsh sanctions on the FRY (May 30, 1992) for its aggressive war policy and support Radovan Karadžić i Ratko Mladić in Bosnia and Herzegovina and their actions of killing and destruction of Bosnia, in which the Montenegrin government was involved, Milo Đukanović on June 29, 1992 in Podgorica, at the extended session of the Union of Independent Trade Unions of Montenegro, according to the European Community and the OUN, in the first order of the USA, was harsh in condemning their position and decision in imposing sanctions. Đukanović then specified, trying without argument to absolve his own government and to accuse the international community of a conspiracy against the FRY, when he said: "The Government of Montenegro had no influence, nor did it, by its actions or inactions, contribute to the international community introducing measures against Montenegro and of Yugoslavia. Everything indicates that this is a political blockade aimed at thwarting the formation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and undemocratically overthrowing the government in Serbia and Montenegro. Some demands from the Security Council resolution cannot be met at all". (Milo Đukanović "Prices and salaries under ice", "Pobjeda", June 30, 1992, p. 1).
At the promotion of the DPS in Tivat on December 1, 1992 (during the campaign for the parliamentary elections, which were held on December 20, 1992), Milo Đukanović announced that the DPS would win the upcoming parliamentary elections and added: "Fortunately, we built a new SR Yugoslavia, but now we are experiencing inconveniences, natural disasters, injustices and unfair sanctions and more. Despite that, in this country we have created numerous development opportunities, built a new economic system. Montenegro received about 70 thousand people - refugees with whom we have to share the good and the bad. That is why this party should be allowed to finish its program in Montenegro and create a happier and richer country" ("Oslonac narod-Promocija DPS u Tivat", "Pobjeda", December 2, 1992, p. 8).
DPS was presented to supporters and voters at public gatherings as a party with a pacifist orientation, which advocates for a political and diplomatic solution to the Yugoslav crisis and the cessation of war conflicts in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and as a protector of the security of the borders, territory and citizens of Montenegro. Leader of DPS Momir Bulatović said in Tivat at the meeting of the DPS that the government in Montenegro is "at this moment ready to defend the border of Montenegro with peace and diplomacy" ("We do not give up Prevlaka - promotion of the DPS in Herceg Novi, "Pobjeda", December 5 , p. 9). However, there were public deviations from such a propaganda course of the ruling party. Thus, during the election campaign, one of the leaders of the DPS, Milo Đukanović, demonstrated rhetoric with a conflicting charge against Croatia and its authorities, which he called "Ustaša nemani", justifying the senseless, dirty and aggressive attack on the south of Croatia, which shamed the past of Montenegro and her face at that time. Đukanović tried to "legitimize" concrete military-police and volunteer actions and the attack on the Dubrovnik area and the city of Dubrovnik, acknowledging, indirectly, the complicity of the DPS authorities in this. At the promotion of DPS in Tivat on December 4, 1992, he accused Croatia in a not at all pacifist tone of having territorial claims towards Montenegro, that is, its part - Boka Kotorska. Then Đukanović, deceiving the public and presenting misinformation, specified: "We did not want to agree on Boka, we did not want to agree on any part of Montenegro. To the Ustaška nemani, then, when it was necessary, courageously, in the spirit of the brightest traditions of our people, we showed our teeth and saved our Montenegro, sparing it from the horrors of war. I claim quite responsibly that DPS and this government are not renouncing Prevlaka. We hope that fair international arbitration will help us achieve that goal without further casualties. I want to say that the citizens of Herceg Novi can really sleep peacefully and that Prevlaka will never again be in a position to threaten the integrity of Montenegro and the safety of its citizens. I want to tell our neighbors that they experimented on us and that a few clumsily thrown grenades on the territory of Montenegro almost cost them Dubrovnik. That's why we shouldn't do it anymore, because we have shown that we know how to wage war," said the Prime Minister of Montenegro rather bellicosely. ("We are not giving up Prevlaka - DPS promotion in Herceg Novi, "Pobjeda", December 5, p. 9).
On March 5, 1993, Milo Đukanović, in an exposition in the Assembly of the Republic of Montenegro, emphasized, among other things: "The government will have a cooperative and highly engaged relationship with the federal state and the federal administration. The FRY should not be seen as the fate of Montenegro, but as part of our development project, as a chance to valorize natural resources and comparative advantages in that broader economic space" ("Program of democratic consensus - from the exposition of Milo Đukanović", "Victory", March 6 1993, p. 2).
Đukanović also later dealt with Montenegrin independentists. And not only with them. He also accused the People's Party of Montenegro, led by him, of "Montenegrin separatism". prof. Dr. Novak Kilibard and that at the time of its transformation into, to a significant extent, a civil party, when it entered the electoral coalition with LSCG - "Narodna sloga", during the parliamentary elections in Montenegro in 1996. Thus, during the election campaign, in Podgorica on October 30, 1996, at the DPS meeting, the DPS vice-president and Prime Minister of Montenegro, the closest associate of Momir Bulatović at the time, Milo Đukanović, stated that the DPS gatherings were stories "for Montenegro and for Yugoslavia", while their political competition is the "Narodna Sloga" coalition, led by the leader of LSCG Slavko Perović and the president of the People's Party Dr. Novak Kilibarda, according to his words "due to their own political nightmare and agony of defeat, tragically powerless to quench their greedy hunger for power, as if they had established a new sociopathological discipline - political fantasy". ("DPS pobjedanik - for sure - Final convention of DPS in Podgorica", "Pobjeda", October 31, 1992, p. 5). Milo Đukanović then euphorically continues that Slavko Perović and Novak Kilibarda "talk nonsense and notorious nonsense when they belligerently declaim about banditry, theft, drugs, smuggling and the mafia in the Montenegrin leadership" (Ibidem). Đukanović accuses the leaders of Narodna Sloga of the destruction of the FRY, of Montenegrin separatism and says that they are exponents of the West, while the DPS government promotes itself as a "lighthouse" and "guardian" of the FRY and says that Slavko Perović and Novak Kilbarda and the "Narodna Sloga" coalition - "the goal of all their goals and the main reason for their hypocritical pact: To bring down the new Yugoslavia, regardless of the cost and consequences, was from before the aggressive obsession of the liberals, into whose spider's web this time the Narodniks fell - exposing the essence that both parties and until now falsely gathered their supporters, manipulating their feigned concern for the supposedly endangered Montenegrins and Serbs in Montenegro. "Separatism is another name for this foreign alliance that they called Narodna sloga". This is how Milo Đukanović spoke and acted. Later, he himself will experience meanderings, mutations and become a convert, and will accept, albeit slowly and gradually, the politics and ideology of the original Montenegrin sovereignists, whom he permanently and systematically persecuted, denounced, and slandered for years. For Milo Đukanović, ideological and political consistency meant nothing. He lightly changed ideologies, nations, states, flags and rhetoric, with the aim of maintaining and staying in power. After the restoration of independent Montenegro (2006), Milo Đukanović identified himself and his government with the state and the nation in the style of an absolutist ruler and dominantly made a profitable business for himself, his family, godfathers, friends and other courtiers and courtiers from the state independence of Montenegro. He misused the idea of the Montenegrin rediviva, of which he was a radical and blatant opponent during the nineties of the XX century.
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